“[A]cross the United States, rural communities have become a flashpoint for siting for wind and solar energy projects…. [T]he cumulative impact … could matter to efforts to reach climate goals. And the Apex experience in Vermillion County [Indiana] proves just how challenging it can be.” (E&E News, May 18, 2022)

Has the tide turned against the hideous government-enabled superstructures politely called industrial wind turbines? Robert Bryce has been following community rejections of such projects since at least 2016 and 2017. His tally today has reached 330 wind and industrial solar projects (databank list here). The number is rising, and with growing electricity issues, hard questions are being asked of intermittent, predatory renewables.

The mainstream media portrays renewables siting as an isolated issue. But the intrepid Bryce is breaking through the narrative of a inevitable ‘renewables future’ and ‘reset’ from mineral energies.…

“Amy Meyers Jaffe, Chris Tomlinson, Jeffrey Sachs–so confident, so angry, so wrong about energy. In psychological terms, they are in denial about climate exaggeration and the verdict from energy density for consumer wants and necessities.”

“Other (pre-Jaffe) ‘Kodak Moments’ dissing fossil fuels have been published in 2015 here; 2016 here; 2018 here; 2019 here and here; and 2021 here. Idea plagiarism?”

CERAWeek 2022 was a rude comeuppance for the hyper-critics [haters?] of oil and gas, who found themselves marginalized not only by world events but also by the Biden Administration itself. Drill, baby, drill was the word from DOE’s First Lady. [1] But Houston Chronicle business editorialist Chris Tomlinson had to get his punches in, embarrassingly so given his strong emotions and elephantine conflict of interest.…

“Corporate policy makers entering the fray should be guided by two principles…. First, mandatory GHG programs should be rejected in favor of voluntary approaches….  Second, voluntary actions by corporations should not go beyond win-win ‘no regrets’ initiatives. Control practices that are uneconomic penalize either consumers or stockholders and politicize the issue of corporate responsibility.”

– Robert Bradley, “Climate Alarmism and Corporate Responsibility.” Electricity Journal, August/September 2000.

It was called corporate social responsibility (CSR). Today, it has morphed into Environmental, Social, and Governance (ESG).

Upon the election of Donald Trump, the environmental Left redoubled its effort to politicize business on the climate issue. The subtitle to an early 2017 article in Yale Climate Connections, for example, “Business Leadership on Climate Seen as Key,” read: “With expectations of a much lower federal leadership role on controlling carbon emissions, key sectors of business community seen by some as maintaining momentum.”…

Ed. note: The third part in this series covers IER as a full-time organization, which occurred in 2002, some 13 years after its founding (in 1989). Part I covered the history of the Institute for Humane Studies–Texas, the forerunner to IER. Part II reviewed the formation and early history of IER in Houston, Texas.

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Q1. Roger Donway: The last interview explained your dual life as a full-time employee of Enron Corp. and the president of the “think bucket” IER. How did IER emerge full time?

A1. Robert Bradley Jr.: My Enron life ended a day after the company declared bankruptcy on Sunday December 1, 2001. I was part of the mass layoff the next day. Some 4,000 of us were let go where we were told to clear out our desks and leave.